This monograph investigates A’-dependencies in Standard German, Alemannic and Dutch where the dislocated constituent is indirectly, i.e. not transformationally, related to the position where it is interpreted. The study focuses on relative clauses and shows that an important part of the relativization system in these languages involves a hitherto ignored construction termed resumptive prolepsis. With its detailed examination of reconstruction effects and the properties of resumption in these constructions, the book makes an important contribution to the study of A’-syntax.